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The real and potential power of China, the world s most populous nation, has long been seen as a threat by its smaller neighbors and global powers alike. The Fear of Chinese Power provides a history of this perceived threat from the 1880s to the present day, and offers rich historical context to an enduring and current concern. Focusing on the United States, but also exploring perceptions from Britain, Germany, the Soviet Union and Japan, this book asks why these fears exist and shows how they have played out on both a strategic, diplomatic level, and in the public sphere. Taking a chronological approach, the chapters explore themes such as western opposition to Chinese immigration, international views of China s new republic, hopes of friendship during the rule of Chiang Kai-Shek, the Korean and Cold Wars, Communist China s economic growth, the Chinese in popular culture and China as a modern global power. Taking economic, military and cultural vantage points into account, The Fear of Chinese Power explains why a powerful China has been a mainstay of the western imagination since the 19th century, and reveals a history which has shaped international perceptions of China to the present day

The real and potential power of China, the world s most populous nation, has long been seen as a threat by its smaller neighbors and global powers alike. The Fear of Chinese Power provides a history of this perceived threat from the 1880s to the present day, and offers rich historical context to an enduring and current concern. Focusing on the United States, but also exploring perceptions from Britain, Germany, the Soviet Union and Japan, this book asks why these fears exist and shows how they have played out on both a strategic, diplomatic level, and in the public sphere. Taking a chronological approach, the chapters explore themes such as western opposition to Chinese immigration, international views of China s new republic, hopes of friendship during the rule of Chiang Kai-Shek, the Korean and Cold Wars, Communist China s economic growth, the Chinese in popular culture and China as a modern global power. Taking economic, military and cultural vantage points into account, The Fear of Chinese Power explains why a powerful China has been a mainstay of the western imagination since the 19th century, and reveals a history which has shaped international perceptions of China to the present day

Abstract
Prominent China studies academics who, with the assistance of members of the business and religious communities, founded the National Committee on United States-China Relations (ncuscr) in 1966 did not build it to last. Its leaders foresaw the organization's work as "catalytic" and envisioned that it would be "going out of business as soon as possible." By March 1971, with a new era of U.S. relations with China on the horizon, its leaders saw little reason to continue operations, and seriously contemplated closing up shop. Yet that April, the government of the People's Republic of China hosted the U.S. Table Tennis team, and pledged to have its team make a reciprocal visit to the United States the following year, which the ncuscr funded and organized. This visit's controversies mirrored the previous ideological divides the group had weathered. Conservative anti-Communist protesters and pro-Taiwan activists disrupted the earliest public events, but antiwar demonstrators, who appeared at later exhibition matches to protest President Richard M. Nixon's bombing of Haiphong in North Vietnam, soon superseded them. Despite these pitfalls, the visit proved to be a great success for the nsuscr, which received a new lease on life and gained a renewed sense of purpose.

In the decade following its founding in 1955, the men who led the foreign policy lobby the Committee of One Million Against the Admission of Communist China to the United Nations faced little concerted opposition to their attempts at preventing even the most minor alterations in the U.S. policy of both isolating and containing Communist China. But beginning with the Fulbright Hearings on China in March 1966, the trend of informed opinion moved sharply against them, as liberal Democrats became newly emboldened and moderates in both parties switched sides, inverting the bipartisan consensus against change the Committee relied upon. The 1968 election of former Vice President Richard M. Nixon, who had served alongside Committee hero John Foster Dulles, seemed to offer them newfound hope. But when the "New Nixon" proved unreceptive to the entreaties of his one-time allies, the Committee mounted a furious public relations campaign to rally belatedly the right-wing base and influence public opinion. Its failure illustrated both the limits of power of American conservatives over U.S. foreign policy while détente was ascendant, and the discontinuity in priorities between the Old Right from which the Committee emerged and the New Right that left it behind.